Russian Reaction to the "Pussy Riot" Verdict

Wednesday, September 5, 2012
Moskovsky Komsomolets (Aug 2012)
BLUF: 
The reaction in international and Russian media to the sentencing of three members of the Russian punk group Pussy Riot to two years for their “punk prayer” inside a Moscow cathedral was dramatic, but although some Russian commentators saw the court decision as a sign of everything wrong with the country’s institutions, many others found it entirely fair, and comments by readers also demonstrated a surprising lack of sympathy for the defendants.
OBSERVED: 
After three members of the Russian punk group Pussy Riot were sentenced to two years in a penal colony for their “punk prayer” inside Moscow’s Christ the Savior Cathedral this February, some Russian media outlets and readers shared the international community’s outrage over what they considered “disproportionate” punishment. There were frequent unfavorable references to the Middle Ages, as when Moskovsky Komsomolets (MK) author Yulia Kalinina pointed out with sarcasm that the young women were “lucky,” because during that era they would have been burned at the stake for demon possession. “In some ways, punishment in Russia has made enormous progress in comparison with the Middle Ages,” she wrote, but less so where the basis for accusations is concerned. According to Kalinina, there is no article in the criminal code outlawing what they did, so “they were tried for their ‘politics.’” Other prominent figures such as dissident leader Lyudmila Alexeyeva and television producer Tina Kandelaki warned that the outcome would damage Russia’s international image and investment climate. And referring to recent laws restricting protest behavior and “foreign agents,” Novaya Gazeta slammed the verdict as “part of the bulwark the authorities are building to protect themselves, against the background of [Putin’s] declining popularity and the stirring political consciousness of the urban middle class.”

In other quarters the verdict was welcomed. Andrey Isaev, first deputy chairman of the leading United Russia party’s General Council Presidium, thought the sentence was harsh, but he expected that the majority of Russians would support it as fair. He told government daily Rossiiskaya Gazeta that “it will serve as a lesson that the state ... will protect the rights of all religious organizations” in the country. Others considered the punishment “mild.” For example, political scientist Pavel Danilin told Nezavisimaya Gazeta that the sentence could have been longer, but “the main thing is that their actions were acknowledged as a crime.” In his opinion, their immoral behavior had to be met with real punishment, “especially since they showed no genuine remorse.” Aleksandr Tsipko of the Russian Academy of Sciences Economics Institute said he and others felt sorry for the families and children of the defendants, but “the judge had no other choice.” By their actions and then their behavior during the trial, the women had provoked such a verdict, he said. Tsipko explained that his generation, “which came of age under Stalin, doesn’t like all these jails, but ... these girls through their actions came to a deadlock with their own country, and the country had to defend itself.” Others like MK author Mikhail Rostovsky shared the view of the young women as disrespectful and destructive “Bolsheviks,” but argued that the authorities had turned the case into a “moral and political defeat” for themselves and society by their reaction. The authorities’ “emotion and the desire to give them a good thumping overshadowed everything else.” As a result, he said, the Western press had declared the women “Putin’s main opponents” and the “main force for good in Russia,” which Rostovsky called “rubbish.”

Reader responses included poetic calls to revolution and exasperation with “telephone justice,” with “Yurii” commenting in MK that the “punk prayer” had not been in vain: It had clearly demonstrated how a cynical and vengeful government was dictating to the courts and turning the people into zombies. However, a good number of readers were unsympathetic to the defendants. Liveinternet forum user Valerii Zvonov sought to “bring some fairness to the lovely media representation of the punk group,” which in his view did not correspond to reality. He reminded fellow readers that the women had been arrested before, after engaging in disruptive and obscene behavior in public. For this reason, one Kommersant reader said, “I don’t even want to try to forgive them. ... If they aren’t punished this time, then who knows what they might do next.” MK reader Vova stated that he was no fan of President Putin, but his “conscience wouldn’t allow [him] to support the convicted band members either.” Nor did he see this as a freedom of speech issue, because their “prayer” had been unintelligible anyway. Some commentators did not oppose political protest or criticism of the Russian Orthodox Church, but they questioned the punk group’s tactics: “The verdict is fair. They got what they asked for. I don’t care what people say abroad. If these women wanted to protest against the authorities, they should have gone to Red Square, not the cathedral.”

ASSESSMENT: 
Before the verdict was issued, Levada Center polling found that a high percentage of Russians expected the trial to be objective. Forty-four percent thought it would definitely or probably be fair, and 36 percent expected the verdict to be based on evidence, as opposed to “orders from above [i.e. the Kremlin].” According to the center, the data showed that “public opinion is not on the side of Pussy Riot, but is standing by the official version of events.” This is likely due in part to official spin, but some readers were clearly outraged by the “prayer” and were more concerned for the right of the majority to worship in peace. (One should also bear in mind the symbolic value of the cathedral in question: It had been torn down in the 1930's by Stalin to make way for a swimming pool and was rebuilt in the 1990's.) In the monitored outlets and forums, there was clearly an awareness of being judged by the global community, whose response was referred to in some cases as “hysterical” and unfair. Tsipko told a journalist that international media outlets “judge Russia from the perspective of countries where things work smoothly. They have no understanding of the current processes, so I wouldn’t begin to take the Western reaction seriously. They have this instinct: ‘if they are trying someone [in Russia], it means rights violations’ and so on.”
According to certain experts, the trial and verdict will probably not have a strong impact on the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) or the opposition movement. In an interview with Deutsche Welle, Natalya Zorkaya of Moscow’s Levada Center said she didn’t expect many to leave the church after this: “Without a doubt, the church will scare away a significant number of thinking people now. But it’s another matter that there aren’t many of those.” She said these “thinking people” were likely to be the more liberal Russians, who are now “in a state of shock, having seen the true face of the Russian Orthodox Church.” Those members who would probably stay coincided demographically with people more likely to support Putin and strongly oppose groups like Pussy Riot, she said: middle-aged, middle-class Russians in smaller towns and villages. Yan Vaslavsky, a political theory lecturer at Moscow State University of International Relations, told Nezavisimaya Gazeta the matter was not likely to give the political opposition a boost. First of all, the ROC was closely tied to Russian culture, which is by nature quite conservative, he explained. The Cathedral of Christ the Savior, where the “punk prayer” occurred, is one of the symbols of Russia, “so it is understandable that such antics ... would alienate many Russians.” Therefore, he said, it would not do the opposition much good from a strategic point of view to show support for the three women.